I realized something one day when I was downtown busking. On the sidewalk in one of the downtowns. Around here they are all small downtowns and people are as nice as they are suspicious that I might be a migrant on welfare siphoning off their SoshSecurity. Or worse, an atheist because I'm not playing bluegrass or rawk or singersongrotter.
What I realized, playing for lunch money, is that strip malls are windows on America's soul -- full of hope and dope and failure. They are built to fail. They always do; they have to; American capitalism depends on it: a steady churn of failure -- worshipped by tech-addled magimetricians as "creative destruction" -- that fuels mass migrations from one form of slavery or a-reasonable-facsimile-thereof to another (those poor symphony musicians). Who was it said money was the root of all evil? Whoever that girl was, she might've known a thing or two.
I also realized that I needed one for me, personally: a stake in a strip mall, in one of those boxes of silver-framed plate glass looking as anonymous as ancestors in a picture album: all those mom-and-popped, family-farmed, self-maidens that picked up and moved away somewhere to a doomtown monoculture that might last long enough to raze a family with scrip and liquor and asbestos siding. Almost heaven, east-by-god Pennsylvania I mean Tennessee I mean Texas I mean Oregon I mean Tennessee. Again. Bullseye on a map is whatever you hit.
Which is me, I'll admit it. What I hit is a mostly-always matter of chance: luck. Even knowing this, though, I always try to parse the more successful instances of luck into form. Bad idea. It doesn't work. I take good luck and turn it into bad form. It is a skill; one that I'm not proud of. It's that kind of skill that starts with Buddhism and winds up with Hello Kitty.
When I busk in the downtowns, there is always someone to laugh at the tootly toy I play. I laugh back and tell them I am the Yo-Yo Ma of the recorder: I have memorized all of the J. S. Bach recorder sweets (that's how I spell what I say it because if you spell it the other way it's some kinda music publishing bullshit), and I will melt them in the air anywhere, at the drop of a hat trick. They say "do some tricks, then, yo-yo man" and drop in a quarter with a pitying, uncomprehending -- because it's not bluegrass or rawk or singersongrotter -- smile. Unless there's a five already in there: nothing kills charity quicker than parity, like that girl said. In which case they tell me to go back to Oregon and play with the whales. My answer is pat: "You mean Denmark" which makes for an even more uncomprehending smile.
There's a method to my rottenness: all these small downtowns in the very particular region where I busk are in the middle of a marketing meltdown. First off, what they don't tell you: They want people to come here and start African slavery all over again. But this time everybody can be an African (all lives matter), just the way Civil War re-enactors can be fat. Also do it with volunteers this time because it's Tennessee (a right-to-work-for-nothing state); in other words some reasonable facsimile called "brand enhancement" (nothing says "slavery" quite like "brand.").
Second, what they do tell you is that the marketers (nothing says "slavery" quite like "market") have decided on a subconsciously Dada-inspired configuration of anything inconceivable that conceivably could be Appalachia in the minds of people who know nothing about the, um, is it really a place? Just please no washing machines on the front porch.
So my actual first thought -- busking on the recorder in one of these downtowns -- was that Appalachia is just the down-country cousin to Scandinavia.
Hear me out: Log cabins come from Sweden and fiddles come from nyckelharpa and banjos come from a strung-out skinhead from Oslo who floated a Hillbiliad dragonship to Africa a long long time ago and picked 5-string symbolist poetry before reverting to Normandy and then marching to Zion to liberate it for "The Girl Who Didn't Like Money" (A Mountain Ballad). Plus: they had recorders down in Brasstown, NC, at the Campbell Folk School because? Duh: Denmark, where the folk school was born, had recorders in their folk schools. And like your girl used to say: Quod Erat Denmarkrandom.
I mean, it's geometry. It's also sausage, which right away linked me with the apple butter of my eye: the strip mall where I'm determined to dip my oar into the Slough of Despond along with all the other pioneers who insisted on Pilgrim's Progress as the only book to read besides the Bible. Inspiration? Please, no. It's entire randomness, meaning luck, and I'm parsing it big-time, because the medium is the method, as I think some girl said.
All of that realizing, on that recorder Büsker Dü-date, came down to: A store. In a strip mall. Just off the interstate, the this-land-is-your-land ribbon of highway teeming with the modern-day equivalent of cash-flush bushwhackers looking for a place to flush their cash but never could because it was all outhouses. But this Appalachia gonna flush, to wit, yo: Buddhism:Hello Kitty :: Appalachia:Greta Thunberg dragonship figureheads.
What were you expecting? Microplastic quilts? Roundup biscuits? Artisanal typhoid from a backyard spring? MAGA limberjacks? Dagnabbit, dragonship figureheads is whittling, for singing-high-and-lonesome out loud! Look, I just raked dry crackling leaves in 94 degree heat in October. You think we don't have something coming? Or maybe you're one of them waiting on the next ice age to kick in. In what? 3,000 years? So, just enough time to walk back civilization, right?
Sombeody's got to do something, and my strip mall outlet selling small-batch Greta Thunberg dragonship figureheads -- carved out of sustainably-harvested, downed timber and cleverly devised so as to conceal a storage compartment for a slim cigaret of high-grade Goosepimple Junction Kush (extra: address the blind tiger) -- will provide nothing less than a 21st c. equivalent of the Isle of Lewis whalebone ivory chesspieces: miniature monuments to an uncertain future full of hope and dope and failure.
Bullseye on a map is whatever you hit.
Saturday, October 5, 2019
Wednesday, September 25, 2019
Good, bad, and ugly: The case of Michael Bellesiles' "Arming America"
Recently I eased my cogitative boat into an interview found via a new, online history publication called Contingent Magazine, recently begun and edited by some fine and approachable historians I follow on Twitter. The magazine describes its purpose as follows: "Contingent is a nonprofit magazine for everyone who asks questions about the past. Our contributors are largely historians outside the traditional professoriate -- adjuncts, museum workers, librarians, park rangers, grad students, high school teachers. They are all paid." Via Twitter I learned of the editors' efforts to establish a modest, monthly budget for paying contributors. I'm somebody who can't pass buskers on the street without chipping in something. Here was history busking outside the concert hall of academe. I chipped in.
But not until after I had listened to the interview, a production of The Age of Jackson Podcast sponsored by the Andrew Jackson Hermitage and hosted by Daniel Gullotta, a Ph.D. student in religious studies at Stanford University.
Rather than summarize the interview here (there'll be more downstream), at this point I'll just say that I found its subject matter irresistible, in the same way you would find it irresistible if you were out on the street and ran into an old acquaintance who -- clearly the worse for wear -- said, "Boy, do I have a story."
Back in 2000 I was blown away by Arming America: The Origins of a National Gun Culture, written by Michael Bellesiles, a history professor at Emory University. Among other things, it recounted and documented the failure of an important American experiment: a well-regulated militia of all military-age citizens (c. 18-50) whose self-armed constancy and patriotism would obviate the need for a standing army. And when I say "failure," I mean dismal, embarrassing, "what-the-fuck-were-we-thinking?" failure so that within just a couple-score years, three at the most, what was at the beginning (1787) bruited by Federalists and Anti-federalists alike as an institution essential to American republicanism had become a literal laughingstock.
This was my first encounter with this history, with the fact that it happened. I was less interested in Bellesiles' larger thesis about the Civil War being a watershed event that ushered into American society a "gun culture" that had previously not existed. I was just really, really impressed by how badly the Founding Fathers had screwed up on the militia thing.
What happened soon thereafter was that I in my capacity of public library director had to address a request that Arming America -- due to well-publicized flaws in some of its research having mostly to do with probate records -- be removed from the collection or given a warning label of some sort in the front of the book. Thanks to American Library Association stances on intellectual freedom, I was able to keep the book unlabeled on the shelf.
But in effect the book as a whole was discredited, even if only part of its research had been called into question, and none of that (as far as I knew at the time) had to do with the militia, my area of interest. This was altogether a disappointment to me, because the book had been broadly informative, quite well written, and had left me looking forward to great things from author Bellesiles. Instead, thanks to the controversy, he dropped from view.
Every now and then I wondered what happened to him. So when on Aug. 24 Contingent put up an interview with him, it very much was like running into that long-lost, beaten-up acquaintance on the street.
Every now and then I wondered what happened to him. So when on Aug. 24 Contingent put up an interview with him, it very much was like running into that long-lost, beaten-up acquaintance on the street.
Interviewer Gullotta draws out a relatable Bellesiles on a wide range of topics (how to put a twist on an Old Fashioned; some refreshing home truths about what bullshitters -- my word -- Jefferson and Tocqueville were), but necessarily central is the book that took him to the heights of the history profession -- it won the prestigious Bancroft prize -- before the reverberations of its faults plunged him near to the nadir. Acknowledging that there are "a couple of specific errors in my research" and "a few pagination errors" in his footnotes, Bellesiles stands by his work: "I know of no research that undercuts the main findings of my book." Yes, the probate records contained "significant errors," but he points out that they relate to an insignificant portion of his book ("three paragraphs") and that he later worked to correct the information with a website and in a second edition of the book released necessarily with a different publisher -- Soft Skull Press -- because the initial publisher -- Knopf -- "rescinded" an offer to re-publish it.
Yet in Bellesiles' telling Knopf is partly (largely?) to blame for the tempest that seems to have caught him off guard. An academic publisher, he suggests, would've vetted it better, and its career would've been satisfactorily typical: offered as "the beginning of a discussion among historians," it would be read "almost entirely by scholars" and then subjected to the drip-drip-drip of academic, peer argumentation. Instead, it became red meat for a dogfight over gun rights, with gun control advocates on one side, ginned up by Knopf's dust cover polemical endorsements including one that calls Bellesiles "the NRA's worst nightmare;" and on the other the NRA and its minions, who according to Bellesiles "launched a coordinated paragraph-by-paragraph search for errors" -- turning up only seven in 1,300 footnotes" -- as well as an assault on Bellesiles' credibility using a weaponized Internet (at the time still developing into the monster it is today) that he characterizes as "swiftboating." All of this, he says, because the subject was firearms.
The interview -- which you should by all means listen to -- clearly reveals Bellesiles to have been shattered by the experience. My wondering about him was not just the musings of a provincial librarian, either. He dropped from view to the extent that Gullotta says he had to resort to some "crazy Google Foo" to find him. Bellesiles regrets publishing the book and pines for anonymity. He won't say which educational press he does editing for because he doesn't want the trolls to beleaguer them with hate mail. When Gullotta asks how a reader might approach the book should they come upon it, say, in a library, Bellesiles says, "Read it with an open mind, and without yet exploring the criticisms of it. Judge first for yourself, and then explore the criticisms. Try not to tell anyone you're reading it, because you may get some hostile responses. And hopefully do some research for yourself; look into the source materials, which are rich and full. And that's where life is, is in the source documents."
Contingent has made it easy to "explore the criticisms." Editor Bill Black appended to the interview the links to "additional resources" that include the principal documents generated by the controversy, mostly from 2002-3: a forum in the William and Mary Quarterly, an article in the Yale Law Journal entitled "Fall from Grace," the inquisitional-sounding Report of the Investigative Committee in the Matter of Professor Michael Bellesiles, and Bellesiles' own rebuttal pamphlet, Weighed in an Even Balance.
Grateful as I was to hear Bellesiles' side of things and to learn what has transpired since, I couldn't help but wonder, listening to the interview, why revisit this controversy? What about it has attracted the attention of younger scholars like Gullotta and Black? Is there, perhaps, some interest in rehabilitating Bellesiles and his book?
With this interview -- preceded and "balanced" on the AofJ podcast by one with Joyce Lee Malcolm, a severe detractor who says Bellesiles, far from being taken aback at the furore, was at the forefront of the polemics from the outset -- Gullotta is generating original material that could be used for some kind of re-assessment. He hints at some credit for Bellesiles' introducing the idea of a "gun culture" in America; by and large, though, he appears mostly fascinated by the scandal in and of itself.
Black followed up on the Bellesiles interview with an article in TheWeek that examines the case in order to address the question of how "academic historians should function within the public sphere. At what point does relevancy [his emphasis] undermine rigor?" The forces of the history marketplace, Black says, dictate a turn away from "quote-unquote serious scholarship": with tenured positions requiring peer-reviewed publishing becoming thin on the ground, trained historians face financial pressure to "create a brand for themselves" through such extramural, Internet-centric devices as self-promotion on social media and articles lacking the filter of peer review. The moral of the Bellesiles case, post-interview, seems to be that his professional remorse (I wish I'd played it safe with an academic publisher) simply points to the fact that this nostalgic alternative dates from an idyllic past less and less available to trained historians. Say Black, "It doesn't make much sense to ask whether or how historians should come down from the ivory tower, when a growing number of them are never up there in the first place."
An irony here is that one of the central players in the Bellesiles controversy was an amateur historian: Clayton Cramer, a writer on gun history topics with a history MA but by profession a software engineer, figures as a more-rigorous-than-thou correcting laborer to the academic Bellesiles' sloppy citations, which provoked Bellesiles to respond on one occasion (in The Chronicle of Higher Education, Oct. 27, 2000) by calling Cramer a "non-historian." Rigor, perhaps, doesn't inhere to the ivory tower alone.
In fact, if there is anyone in the whole hooraw that can be said to be a harbinger for the current malaise in the employment of historians that Black says forces them out into the general job market and onto the Internet, it is Cramer, not Bellesiles. In a c. Jan. 2003 online article for History News Network (an organ of George Washington University) Cramer speaks to just these issues: Unable to support a family while pursuing a career in the academy, he became a software engineer; unable to attract serious, continuing attention from historians with his findings about Bellesiles' errors, he put up a web page in an effort to publicize them. From there -- early on, anyway -- it seems to have been controversy waged on the Internet -- with Bellesiles withdrawing, according to Gullotta's interviewee Joyce Malcolm in a Reason article, in which she also credits the nonacademic press (National Review, the Wall Street Journal, the Boston Globe) for spreading the word about the problems with Arming America that the history academy at first ignored. Yes, once they got there they turned on Bellesiles with a vengeance, but the early days of the controversy seem to complicate Black's contention that historians did not stand behind Bellesiles. If they did not stand behind Bellesiles, they at least seem to have demonstrated a passive aggression against Cramer -- not a peer -- that drove him in frustration to pursue a more independent route to publicize his concern for "scholarly integrity" and "the credibility of the historical profession."
"Disingenuous" seems to be a word often used to describe Bellesiles, but along these lines it particularly seems to apply to a remark in the interview that, on any other subject than guns, he and Cramer would be able to "appear together at a conference," when it is much more likely that Cramer's lack of institutional bona fides would prevent his being invited in the first place. The "class" division that Contingent has undertaken to confront (bypass?) is real, and Cramer's experience in the Bellesiles matter elucidates its mystification (oh how I love that concept) to the extent that Cramer himself seems to blame the prejudice against him on lack of ideological diversity in the academy (too many liberals) rather than a much more basic, reluctantly-surrendered professional snobbery.
For what it's worth, Cramer makes a big deal of calling out Bellesiles on incorrectly quoting the text of the 1792 militia statute, the first to embody the organization under the Federal Constitution with its now-notorious 2nd Amendment. As Arming America was my first encounter with a detailed history of these laws, I did not catch it, but there it is on p. 230: the quote that says every citizen enrolled in the militia shall be provided with a musket, when in fact the statute says every enrolled citizen shall provide his own musket. Huge difference! However, in re-reading the book, I found clear evidence -- seemingly unnoticed by Cramer and uncited to my knowledge even by Bellesiles in his own defense -- that this was an unintentional error, an instance of his getting tangled in the tares of his own sloppiness: subsequently, on p. 262, Bellesiles writes, "In theory every member of the militia supplied his own gun, as the Militia Act of 1792 required."
There you have it -- in my mind anyway -- the problem with Arming America in a nutshell: not fraud, as some have alleged and continue so to do (in full fury: peruse the lynch mob that is the comments section on Bellesiles' revised, Soft Skull edition book website), but a display of a head-scratchingly high degree of reported discrepancy between text and citation.
Nothing can be taken at face value on either side in this bramble patch, as some of the gotchas turn out to be wrong, and the accusers show themselves in as bad a light as the person they accuse. Malcolm, for example -- a fully frocked academic as much as Bellesiles -- tries to score a point by truncating his statement that "[m]ost personal violence in early modern England occur not on lonely highways but at public festivals, often between competing teams of Morris dancers and such other representatives of community pride." [Arming America, p. 36] Malcolm's version of the quote ends at "dancers," which clearly changes the scope of Bellesiles' assertion; she then scoffs, "Bellesiles assertion that these charming, white-costumed folk dancers, sporting bells at their knees, were responsible for most of the era's violence struck one British historian as Monty Pythonesque."
Since the fighting Morris dancers seem particularly absurd to Malcolm -- indeed, she doubles down on the criticism in the interview with Gullotta, where she says she examined the sources and "not one of them said what he said" (AofJ Podcast 081 10:30-11:20), I decided to follow Bellesiles' footnote to the source: Revel, Riot, and Rebellion: Popular Politics and Culture in England, 1603-1660, by David Underdown, p. 69. Well, p. 69 has nothing about Morris dancers, but a little experience with Bellesiles teaches you some basic gumshoe, and sure enough on p. 96 there's a description of a fight at a local revel involving leg-belled, "apparently innocent" Morris dancers that resulted in "a bloody affray." So Bellesiles got the fact right, included it in a qualified generalization that Malcolm distorted, but cited the wrong page. Faults all around!
Once again in this regard it is the "non-historian" Cramer who is most dependable and also the most damning, but even his claim to be able to find errors "on almost any page, picked at random" requires testing. I took this "pick a page, any page" challenge for a short ride. Mostly using HathiTrust to check official sources, I did find a number of errors, most of them along the lines of the mis-cited morris dancer page, but accuracy prevailed over the handful of pages whose handful of citations I was able to check, given my limited, provincial library resources and the time constraints of interlibrary loan. My feeling is that Cramer might be overstating his case somewhat, but it has enough basis that I feel the need to scour same pages in the the second edition to see if Bellesiles did indeed revise or correct these mistakes as he claims to have done in the interview.
This being the case, the book remains strongly suggestive, although his laying out of a "lack of a gun culture" thesis is easy to nitpick (as Cramer does) due to lack of precision, e.g. "gun censuses" that report only military-grade firearms are necessarily incomplete. If nothing else it is a great bibliographic resource. However, it would seem impossible for the book to be used as a citation without first double-checking its sources. But after all -- to give Bellesiles the last word -- the "life" of history is with those source materials, "which are rich and full."
Which, for the most part, cannot be said about historians. Well, "full," maybe. Keep some deserving ones that way by supporting Contingent!
Tuesday, August 27, 2019
Parodies Lost
"Boss, Luc just quit."
"Luc? Luc Fer? Our best parodist? Hell of a guy too. Why? Did he say?"
"Not a word. He packed up his stuff and walked out the door. Left this:"
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Some people can just dial up Sympathy for the Devil in their minds: the "mad samba" percussion that introduces the song and ties it together; "Please allow me to introduce myself" over the percussion and block chords, then the busy bass part kicking in, doubled in the piano left hand, while the piano right hand anchors the harmonic rhythm, instead of -- as you would expect of the Stones -- electric guitar; all of it wrapped up in a relatively straightforward verse-chorus structure, no bridge, broken only by Keith Richards's electric guitar solo.
Conceptually, it couldn't be simpler: Simply replace "sympathy" with "Trumpathy." But as alien as those two concepts are one from the other, it would mean an overhaul of the original, even if functionally you have to leave enough elements to make it recognizable. Sorta like how there's "pathy" in both words haha.
Music-wise, the parodic idea was to keep the simple structure of the song, more or less, as well as the basic musical elements like tempo, but flesh it out as a different genre. The percussion would set the tone as in the original, but there couldn't be any suggestion of samba because the lyrics have Trump making fun of how the drums in the original are "way too Latino." The triadic harmonies of the original bass and piano become dissonant and jagged in the parody--think angry Melodica Men on shrooms. The most "faithful" element, musically, of the parody (besides the basic chord structure) is the guitar solo, which the parody "covers" with three overlapped synth sounds as a way of expressing the artificial "muzak pandemonium" that Trump says is his "heavenly music."
The vocals are spoken in the manner of Trump speechifying, but he winds up, quite unintentionally, sounding like a poor imitation of Obama rapping badly. Good work if you can get it.
The lyrics were written in early August, 2019, after the Trumpista fear of an "invasion" of mostly unarmed migrant families and children found murderous expression in the Aug. 3 mass shooting in El Paso, when a Trump-echoing white nationalist targeted Latins in a Walmart and killed 22.
The words "cheap pewter and crap zirconium" refer to an incident in which Trump gave supposedly "platinum diamond Harry Winston" cufflinks to actor Charlie Sheen, who had them appraised by a jeweler. In four seconds the jeweler assessed their actually worthless components.
I'll leave any other deep diving on the lyrics to you all, except to say that the chorus reverses the Jagger/Richards "name/game" and otherwise echoes the original J/R words with Trump's native language, insult: "hope" becomes "dope" and "puzzling" becomes "putz."
I'd almost written and wrapped everything by Aug. 19, when a story emerged that Trump was interested in buying Greenland. I thought this would be an example of Trump in his standup comedian persona (a much stronger aspect of his personality than people realize), but it turned out he was serious and canceled a visit to Denmark because the PM there dismissed the idea out of hand. And then Trump referred to himself as "the chosen on;" the parody song has him invoking a "second coming" that his supporters are trying to "crank."
Right then and there I knew I was done. When reality becomes parody, parody is done. I spent the afternoon painting over the loop of a video of Trump saying that if the economy failed and everything went down the tubes, there'd be no choice but to vote for him. The loop has a guy punctuating things with a thumbs-up.
For what it's worth, here it is.
So I'm going back to Pandemonium in the hopes that the good lord gives me some other world to warp. Trump and Thumbs-Up Guy don't need my help.
Luc I. Fer
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Tuesday, August 13, 2019
Face it
[Re-posted from a book review on Goodreads]
If this review had a subtitle, it would be "The problem with subtitles." The problem is that subtitles try to squeeze all the meaning of an entire book into a few words. Functionally, it's stupid. Nobody goes around saying, "Have you read the latest subtitle?" But maybe they should. After all, it's essentially a headline, and how often do we know anything about anything beyond the headlines that parade before us on our "wall" or in our "feed"?
Feed. Good word, that, for us human informational bovines. Here is a book with a perfectly good title -- Anti-Social Media -- whose subtitle goes on to tell us what the title means -- How Facebook Disconnects Us and Undermines Democracy -- so that we can have something to add to the coffeehouse chatter: "Hey, did you know that Facebook disconnects us and undermines democracy? Terrible, innit? Hey, look what just popped up on my feed: Ronaldo and Neymar, and they're not playing soccer, they're boxing! Hahaha!"
I think I prefer the quaint, old-timey way that publishers used to provide a seemingly alternative title: "Anti-Social Media -- Or How Facebook Primarily But Also Google, Not to Mention a Host of Others, Profits by Providing a 'Free' Service that Tickles Our Inner Compulsion to Use the Cotton Gin to Generate Profits and Other Glib Excuses for Enslaving Others."
In fact, this book doesn't mention the cotton gin. But if you will allow yourself to go beyond the subtitle and actually read the entire book, you'll learn that author Vaidhynathan is onto something much deeper than the manner in which the architecture of Facebook willy-nilly acts on the human spirit like a steady diet of Coca-Cola acts on a set of teeth.
(I said "spirit." I meant "brain." But I couldn't use that word, because it connotes "rational," which as Seth Godin says, no one is. And everybody knows that Seth Godin must be right because Seth Godin is a Marketer and we are all Brands and Brands don't use rationality because it isn't sticky and lacks the potential for virality, which autocorrect wants to change to "virility," but that was another time.)
So, anyway: spirit. Why do people drink so much Coke? There's 9.75 teaspoons of sugar in one 12 oz. can. Imagine putting that much sugar on a bowl of cereal. I mean, it's total junk, and it funds an EMPIRE. Full disclosure: part of the empire is a university I got a degree from, so totally worth it, right? Just like slavery, except rotten teeth and obesity! That's the spirit!
And then there's Facebook, and not only is it FREE, but it doesn't rot your teeth or make you fat, and it comes complete with an afterlife by keeping you friends with people after they (or you) die! Who wouldn't want it? So, it's completely neutral, right?
If you think that, you've never concerned yourself with advertising. Back in the graybeard days of advertising -- all of 15 years ago -- they used to say that 20% of your advertising budget worked, but you didn't know which 20%, so you had to go ahead and spend the other 80% on stuff that didn't work. Now, with Facebook sucking up all kinds of personal and browsing data that its users give up for FREE and fire-hosing it to advertisers, anybody with any kind of advertising budget can customize many messages to many audiences and gauge the responses. With that kind of feedback, no wonder the traditional "Waste 80% of Your Advertising Budget With Us" newspapers are struggling.
And guess who have massive advertising budgets to saturate an atomized market with targeted messages? Political marketers, with dictators like Vladimir Putin showing the way. Here's Vaidhyanathan: "By segmenting an electorate into distinct sets, candidates move resources toward efforts to pander to small issues with high emotional appeal instead of those that can affect broad swaths of the electorate and perhaps cross over presumed rifts among voters. It's not necessary -- and may be counterproductive -- for a campaign to issue a general vision of government or society or to articulate a unifying vision. It's still done, but it's not the essence of the game anymore. Voter targeting … encourages narrow-gauge interventions that can operate below the sight of journalists or regulators. A campaign like Trump's can issue small, cheap advertisements via platforms like Facebook and Instagram that disappear after a day or get locked forever in Facebook's servers." (p. 162)
"High emotional appeal": your brain on Coca-Cola. We love it, we can't get enough of it, and we are powerless to resist, and the first three letters of Seth Godin's last name are G-O-D. Sweet.
Even if Mark Zuckerberg has good intentions, and even if his company makes occasional interventions, they manifest the naiveté of the libertarian Silicon Valley mindset. His creation is a Frankenstein monster, out of his control: "Facebook is simply too large and the variety of human depravity too vast for the company to deploy enough people or computer code to anticipate and regulate the misbehavior of millions." (p. 204)
The broader value of the book -- beyond the narrowness of its title and subtitle -- is that Vaidhynathan transcends his own characterization that "Facebook is itself the problem" with the larger problem of people and how they respond to technological innovation: "[N]ot for the first time, market and political forces have turned products of the Enlightenment against enlightenment. … When we make a cult of technology and welcome its immediate rewards and conveniences into our lives without consideration of the long-term costs, we make fools of ourselves." (pp. 202-3)
As to what should be done, the author argues both for the application of more accountability and transparency to the lesser problem of Facebook, e.g. by extending Federal Election Commission oversight of political advertising to web-based platforms (presently not the case). As to the larger problem of the human response to technological innovation, at one level he says resistance is futile -- he himself is not leaving Facebook, and it would be a mere "blip" for readers of his book to do so -- but on the other he counsels that we "reinvest and strengthen institutions that generate deep, meaningful knowledge," (p. 215) e.g. universities, museums, libraries, science, responsible journalism. He also says that we must get political. The libertarian mindset of Silicon Valley has produced at the corporate level "the hubris of self-righteousness" that threatens the very notion of democratic self-government. "Only the threat and force of stern state regulation can push companies to straighten up," concludes Vaidhynathan. "That's both how it is and how it should be." (p. 219)
So uh who won the boxing match? Neymar or Ronaldo? Wait, wait, don't tell me, it no longer matters, cuz it looks like Scaramucci and Omarosa are gonna tangle, but mostly I can't wait til five years from now when they will be gone. Trump will be gone, the US will have a Green New Deal, Medicare for all, a well-regulated militia armed with flintlocks, Facebook and Google will be public utilities, and the EU will move its capital from Brussels to London. Also, people will have actually read this book, gone beyond its publisher's marketing crapshoot of a subtitle, and brought policy back into fashion. Because yes we can … think.
And I will have written a book called 9.75 Teaspoons and the Truth: Drink the Kool-Aid. No, no, no. Listen to my inner Seth Godin; pack it with virality; then go all virile and kick him to the curb: Think the Kool-Aid.
Tuesday, July 9, 2019
An Appalachial Estate of Mind
There are two Appalachias, which I'll call "Appalachia I" and "Appalachia II." They're pronounced differently because they refer to different things. Kind of like the different things referred to in "No ofFENSE, but recently the Vol OFFense has been more dog than hunt." So, even if it causes a row, allow me to put my ducks in a row and present my defense (however you pronounce it) of the idea that Appalachia means two different things depending on how it is pronounced.
First off, these aren't the Appalachia One (rich) and Appalachia Two (poor) that Cumberland crusader Harry Caudill wrote about. As will be shown, these Appalachias require Roman numerals.
As to pronunciation: the usual explanation for two of them in opposition is, essentially, a pissing contest across the Mason-Dixon line. One is Southern, the other is everywhere else. Each is intolerant of and excludes the other. One is right; the other is wrong. When in fact there's every reason to accept both pronunciations as referring to different conceptual entities.
By way of easing into the subject, let me relate an experience from my Knoxville days (back when the Vol OFFense showed enough inspiration to go 10-2). I went into a record store and scanned the back of an album: "Here is Bach as he heard it in his head" -- or something to that effect -- proclaimed the liner notes to a switched-on Moogish compilation of Bach fugues. A fan of the cantatas, I thought, "Ah, to hear Bach's music as it sounded inside his head, not timbred of his time, but timbred by his timeless imagination.
I was totally sucked in. By the stupid, self-satisfied, imperial presentism of a passing fad. I knew as soon as I dropped the needle that I'd been had. Some clever marketer had defrauded me just as sure as a card sharp on the street. What I heard was Bach -- Bach as I'd always heard it, Bach as he had always been, Bach as would always shine through whatever glitzy timbral rocketman bullshit anybody might slather it with.
It's this sort of thing -- though at a deeper, decidedly un-stupid level -- that bothers me about the current age of studies of Appalachia, all of them (seemingly, judging from their citations) conceptual shoots from one seminal big bang: Appalachia on Our Minds, by Henry Shapiro, published in 1976 -- a coon's age ago in academic time, not far off from when a half-timbred Bach was flatmate to a Vol OFFense that put up enough points to win lots of games.
Shapiro's "our minds" is a temporal community that stretches from the last quarter of the 19th century until, presumably, the publication of his book and -- through the thinking of all the scholars who continued to advance his idea -- up into the present. His title is an obvious play on the popular song "Georgia on My Mind." Less obvious is the fact that both place names -- Georgia and Appalachia -- are formed with the Latin honorific suffix -ia.
The -ia honorific is ubiquitous when you start seeing it, even only in America: Georgia, the realm of King George; Virginia, the realm of the Virgin Queen; Pennsylvania, the wooded realm of William Penn. Even the capital city sports one: Columbia, the gym of the ocean.
But Appalachia? What is the background of this honorific? The "duh" answer -- that it is an erosion from "Appalachian" -- is false. While it is true that, historically, the adjective appeared first and refers to the Apalaches, a Florida-coast indigenous tribe, its derivation from French/Spanish cognates and its various, non-standard endings (e.g. -en and -ean) clearly demonstrate that "Appalachian" evolved as a neutral attributive, not as an honorific.
On the other hand, "Appalachia" was born as an honorific. It is a coinage whose birth is clearly documented. In 1838 Washington Irving had an idea. Not satisfied with the generic sense of "America" in the "United States of America" (it could include Peru for all anyone knew), he proposed to replace it with a different A-word, something that could represent the grandeur of the nation with the example of a physical reality, namely, the eastern chain of mountains stretching from Canada well into the South. He had two suggestions: "Alleghania" and "Appalachia." For unstated reasons Irving preferred "Alleghania."
In 1846, however, in an unsigned paragraph in Graham's Magazine, a self-professed admirer of Irving's, while approving the idea of a substitute for "America," offered reasons why "Appalachia" was in fact the better choice. Among the reasons, "by far the most truly important consideration of all" had to do with the "music of 'Appalachia' itself." The problem with "Alleghania" is that it was too "guttural." But "Appalachia"? In the mind of this writer, "nothing could be more sonorous, more liquid, or of fuller volume, while its length is just sufficient for dignity."
Here, then, was a word that from its very creation bespoke the "lay" of the land, not anything so curt and rude as throwing an apple atcha. And who was this anonymous writer in Graham's refusing to gag on Alleghania and extolling the sonorous liquidity of AppaLLLAYYYchia? None other than Edgar Allan Poe.
Irving's coinage paired with Poe's pronunciation seems to be unknown in the contemporary scholarship of Appalachia. Neither fact appears in Shapiro. In his effort to establish an "Appalachian otherness" as the meaning of "Appalachia," he buries a truncated history of the word in the academic's version of a balladeer's shallow grave -- in footnote #3 of chapter 3. And well might he, because the honorific Appalachia is not the one that he inserts parasitically into our minds. His "our" Appalachia is the cultural, "other" Appalachia that Shapiro's scholarship labors to establish, in but not of the United States. It is the "problem" Appalachia of mountaineer isolates: unshaven, unchurched, unschooled. Not us, for sure.
Alas, poor Appalachia, we knew him: its skull is Irving's coinage. But the corpse in Shapiro's shallow grave lacks it. In its place, topping a kind of etymological Frankenstein's monster, is an idea belonging to Berea College president William Goodell Frost, who Shapiro says "seems to have been the first to suggest that the southern mountains composed a region in the modern sense of a territory defined by its characteristics and its civilization as well as by its location."
The Modern Sense! Bach as he heard it in his head! Behold Appalachia! But wait! Look back in the grave! "Although Appalachia was the title of the journal published by the Appalachian Mountain Club of Boston, an 'outing' organization, from 1876, …" Holy baroque organ harvesting! "Although"!? Here is the heart of Shapiro's Frankenstein. In order to animate an anachronistic, modern sense of the word, he kills off a different sense altogether that just happens to have been contemporaneous with the time period of his study.
Because there was in fact an Appalachia on the minds of the 19th century educated class about which Shapiro writes. It was in direct line of descendence -- and transcendence -- from Irving's and Poe's: the mountain realm stretching from Maine to Georgia. By that time the Appalachia that was on their minds was more than symbolic. It was no less than the realized nirvana of the lapsed-Congregational, secular, scientific heirs of Transcendentalism. On the rocky slopes of Mt. Katahdin, Appalachia was where Henry David Thoreau had felt the cold breath of absolute, man-disdaining Nature and screamed his ecstasy: "CONTACT!"
And the Appalachian Mountain Club's journal, Appalachia, published from 1876? It is still being published today. Shapiro calls AMC an "outing" organization. Buried in a footnote, those quote marks work, rhetorically, like air quotes. They serve not only to discount the importance of the AMC but to render it irrelevant to Shapiro's thesis.
This is like being frozen out of the Northwest Passage. Here, in fact, is the way to understanding the sense of "Appalachia" contemporaneous with the historical period that concerns Shapiro. Admittedly, this is not "our" sense of the word. But why should "our" sense be shipped by time-travel UPS into the minds of people who had a different understanding? More importantly, to follow Shapiro's lead is to lose utterly the lost sense of the word, which can inform our current understanding in profound ways.
In naming its journal, the AMC fell into the inspirational embrace of "Appalachia," applying Poe's music to evoke the patriotic grandeur of peaks in its New English heartland, many of them named for nation-builders: Washington, Adams, Madison. The AMC belongs in the same class as the Sierra Club or the Audubon Society. Moreover, it was formed before either of them. It had the quasi-religious mission both to preserve and glorify the mountains -- as well as to make them more accessible, for reasons some of which had to do with national physical and mental health. It influenced the passage of legislation creating the national forest system; it spawned regional affiliates, including one way down in Asheville, NC; and it was one of the organizations responsible not only for the creation of the Appalachian Trail but also for the assurance of its future as a National Scenic Trail. To leave out this aspect of Appalachia is to fail to see the continuous intellectual chain that manifests the philosophy of Transcendentalism with the physical reality of the Appalachian Trail.
Similarly, Shapiro footnote 3/3 damns with faint praise writer Horace Kephart, the unexcelled interpreter of mountain life in the early 20th century Smoky Mountains. He is credited with causing "Appalachia" to catch on in the 1920s as a term for the "southern mountain region," but once again the detail that the book first appeared in Outing Magazine -- while factual -- consigns Kephart to the category of writer who, were he alive today, would be producing copy for Outdoor Life or Garden & Gun.
While this accurately captures an important aspect of Kephart's appeal, it slights the full nature of his influence, particularly as regards the word "Appalachia." Kephart was a star librarian (if there can be such a thing) before he left his job and family in St. Louis in 1903 and sequestered himself in the Smokies. He also took with him his lifelong experience as a camper and a hunter -- yes, an outdoorsman. But there can be little doubt that what drew him to the mountains was a Thoreau-like belief that the mountains were themselves the essence of nature; they were the "Back of Beyond" whose mercilessness would test his ability to belong there. There can also be little doubt that this former star-librarian-and-expert-outdoorsman knew of the AMC journal Appalachia. By incorporating the word into his own nomenclature, Kephart applied to the Southern mountains -- his touchstone -- the same honorific sense that the AMC had inherited from Irving and Poe. It is a glorious place, this Appalachia, Kephart says. And let us be clear about one thing: it is not the towns or the valleys. It is the mountains. It is only the mountains.
Once there, of course, he immediately discovered and engaged the uniqueness of his mountain neighbors. Eventually, they became the focus of his writing, but it was the mountain-shaped lives alone that interested Kephart; townies and valley dwellers need not apply. Also, as in the case of the AMC, Kephart became an advocate for the preservation of unspoiled mountain refuges apart from any settled humanity. He was instrumental in the creation of the Great Smokies National Park and helped lay out the path of the Appalachian Trail there and in Georgia, because he believed in the intrinsic value of the mountains as a source of human well-being.
Kephart certainly didn't refer to the mountains as "Appalachia" because the mountaineers did. He records that "the Carolina mountaineers" still referred to their homeland as "the Alleghanies" (a nice irony, remembering Irving's preference). In the mountain south, when the word was used, as Appalachian historian Ron Eller writes, it had a very, very specific connotation: "The word 'Appalachia' itself was seldom used by mountain residents, except in reference to the town of that name in southwest Virginia," [italics mine] a rail junction coal-mining boom town formed in the 1890s.
The observation as to the historical non-use of the word or its derivatives by the region's inhabitants as a term for the region -- mountain or human -- is confirmed over and over again. Read the interviews with such now-classic culture warriors as James Still and Harriette Arnow Simpson in Interviewing Appalachia, and they confirm what Appalachian poetry pioneer Jim Wayne Miller also says therein: when he studied literature at Berea in the early 1950s "there was no such thing as Appalachian studies at that time." And if ever there was an Ur-Appalachian college, it was Berea. Its President Frost (he of the Shapiro footnote) spoke all over the country -- even in Boston, the cradle of Appalachia I, where in 1898 his audience was the AMC -- to raise money to educate the mountain youth of the area he called Appalachia. The Berea president knew this word would strike his listeners with a grand, inspiring, unifying impression of a mountainous region. But back in Berea, among his students, there was no such organizing, cultural principle.
Here, then, is the ultimate comeuppance to novelist Sharyn McCrumb's take-no-prisoners defense of the "Apple-atcha" pronunciation and her snide dismissal of any alternative. Her account of some hoary folkish usage of "Appalachia" is a fiction (which is, after all, her craft) employed for purely polemical reasons. There was no such thing -- other than the Virginia town -- except among furriners.
In Kephart we do see the cleft in Appalachia I that will completely break off in Appalachia II. Even if it was the mountains that drew him into the Smokies, he fell under the spell of his mountain neighbors from the get-go; and even if his first book was about how to live in the woods, his second book was entirely given over to the lives of his mountain neighbors. It wasn't man against mountains so much as man among mountaineers.
But by the 1950s -- when that second book got into the hands of Jim Wayne Miller, a young man in North Carolina attuned, like Poe, to the music of words (he became the poet laureate of Kentucky) and reared in a family with middle class on one side and hillbilly (his word) on the other -- an idea of Appalachia began to sprout in the minds of some of its natives. Miller is explicit as to Kephart's influence: "The first book I read which influenced me on the subject of Appalachia was, without a doubt, Horace Kephart's Our Southern Highlanders. It really set me off. … It was probably the most important single factor that put me in touch with my regional identity." Miller had found a life-forging identity. At high school's end, trying to decide what to do next -- business college in Asheville? Army, navy? Detroit? -- Miller chose Berea: "By that time, I had already read Horace Kephart. I figured I was a southern highlander, and here was a school … that existed for southern highlanders."
But by that time as well had long disappeared the highlanders' agrarian base, the subsistent forest "commons" that had flourished in the southern mountains between the time of the Indian Removal and the invasion of large-scale resource commodification, mostly timber and coal. Steven Stoll's 2017 Ramp Hollow: The Ordeal of Appalachia vividly describes this process, calling it no less an "enclosure" than the well-known example of commons clearances in the British Isles. The real irony for the word "Appalachia" is that, by the time its natives began to use it -- with its southern pronunciation -- to refer to their homeland, the economic culture whose characteristics had attracted the attention of those furriners described by Shapiro had been destroyed.
And many of those furriners had seen it coming. Miller would have read the words that end Kephart's Our Southern Highlanders: "The great need of our mountaineers to-day is trained leaders of their own. The future of Appalachia lies mostly in the hands of those resolute native boys and girls who win the education fitting them for such leadership. Here is where the nation at large is summoned by a solemn duty. And it should act quickly, because commercialism exploits and debauches quickly. … It is an economic problem, fundamentally, that the mountaineer has to face."
So by the time the native boys and girls are educated and self-aware as to the existence of something they call Appalachia, the exploitation and debauchery of commercialism have run rampant two and three regimes over, and now beyond that to the point that whatever Appalachia has become, actual mountains are irrelevant. "Bluegrass," for example, is often described as the music of the southern mountains -- it is indeed popular there -- but anyone with even a glancing knowledge of Kentucky geography must know that the name of the music comes from the grand region of Kentucky distinguished as entirely distinct from the mountains. Radio music marketing had the further flattening effect of enabling "hillbilly" to apply as much to the Indiana lowlands as the Cumberland hollers. The hills are alive with the sounds of Nashville -- which isn't mountains by a ways. Keep going along that line awhile and next thing you know you wind up with an Ohioan-gone-to-California expat like J. D. Vance claiming to speak for hillbillies.
With the mountain economic regime a thing of the past, never to return, this new idea of Appalachia became "history and culture" in the mind and words of Miller, a German professor by day job (make that Geschichte und Kultur high and lonely). "Appalachia" resonated because it thumped like a washtub bass the class division found in his own hearth and home. Even in his "hamlet" of Leicester, there were "the better people" with their "mindset" like those who lived in towns -- his father's family, one of whom had been mayor of Asheville -- and, on the other side, the "hillbilly class" and their "country" ways like those of his mother's family -- particularly the maternal grandfather, a tenant farmer and fox hunter -- who attracted the "feelings and affections" of his grandson. In fights at school no less than his literary career, Miller's "stand" was always with his "friends from the country." Now is the time to throw that apple atcha.
Cultural Appalachia hollowed out mountain Appalachia into a repertoire of cultural characteristics exhibited like wooden bowls on sale to tourists. The mountains retreated into a backdrop, like a painted sheet for the annual Big Stone Gap community theater production of Trail of the Lonesome Pine. Whatever people did "down there" -- hauling moonshine in a coal truck to goose up a feud -- mountains had less primacy than a good set of tires. This is quite a change from Kephart. Miller's "regional consciousness" was a town-country divide transportable to any other modernized region in the world, like, say, Detroit, where it was in fact transported. Cultural manifestations lost their essential link with a well-defined topography. It wasn't long after this "Erwachen nach Appalachia" that the cultural manifestations of poverty -- promulgated by newly televised mass media -- became the essential marker calling forth the federal Appalachian Regional Commission, which with less than poetic justice entitled its journal Appalachia.
And along came Shapiro (hey, there's a song in there) with his conceptual bulldozer, burying Appalachia I into a nonentity. But once you realize that there is not one but two mythical Appalachias -- one alive, vibrant, and symbolic of the highest the earth has to give; the other downtrodden, abused, and symbolic of utter dereliction -- and that Shapiro downplayed the former to the point of extinction, you can't read any of the subsequent scholarship about Appalachia without the noise of the synthetic, anachronistic fallacy ruining the mix.
Circa 2019, those who purport to explain Appalachia -- like Elizabeth Catte in What You Are Getting Wrong about Appalachia -- cannot even say what it is. They expressly relegate geography to the "unimportant" file. The remote, elevated wildness standing in for the power of nature has been replaced by a hodgepodge catch-all of internal combustion, Southern-ish cultural you-name-it. The bloat is due in large part to the Federal government's county-based system of defining Appalachia for the purposes of fighting poverty. Not surprisingly, perhaps, its "development" strategy favors those locations that are most, er, developable, which -- surprise! -- tend to be less than mountainous. Unsubtle bureaucratic cartography has had the staggering intellectual ripple effect of rendering Appalachia indistinct and undistinguishable. We are now at such a pass that even the ultimate townie Thomas Wolfe is considered to represent Appalachia, simply because the home he couldn't go back to is in a county considered, according to the government's criteria for poverty, part of Appalachia. This is bunkum (literally: look it up).
As a cultural construct, Appalachia II has had no choice but to follow along in the subjugation of the mountains by the forces of extraction and development. In its watershed TVA puts in a series of dams, and a lake culture all but replaces river and creek culture. Federal and state highways dilate the capillaries of the ox-drawn sledge into arteries for the almighty automobile. Radio, TV, and the Internet deliver a turbocharged stream of furriner. Beneath the quaint syndrome sold to tourists in Dollywood -- the cosplay feudin' and moonshinin' and log flumin' -- Appalachia has come into its commercial own as the branding iron of choice for any small business or community organization or university department hanging out a shingle in the upper South. What passes for tradition these days is ubiquitously symbolized by the Confederate battle flag, a complete inversion from the days of Appalachia I, when the mountaineers were lauded for their loyalty to the cause of the Union. Kilted bagpipe bands proclaim the Scots-Irish heritage of a region that never knew a bagpipe until recently. Call it "Appalachia" and fill it with anything. It's not so much Dystopia as Entropia.
This is the most American kind of decadence there is, the decadence that comes with following the money, the closest thing to an ideology that America has. In practice it is of course the opposite of anything as intellectual as ideology, because no set of beliefs can hold up to the moral and ethical perversions that come with mindlessly privileging profits over people. Example after example comes easily to hand from American history, from slavery to the election of Donald Trump as US President.
There's no reason to think that the southern Appalachians could have been spared. As mentioned above, the trampling of the southern mountains by commercialism was not unforeseen by those who regarded the mountains with a quasi-religious reverence, but what, after all, could they do against a juggernaut? In the wake, the prophets of Appalachia II rage impotently against the destruction visited by human upon human for something as empty and irreligious as wealth. But there is little to be done where exploitation is in fact the solution, because the formula is as baked into the American way as apple-atchas are into pie.
Meanwhile, Appalachia I still exists in the ridge-running preserves carved out by the AMC and such allies as the Appalachian Conservancy, in partnership with the US government, whose crumbs (see formula above) can only be bestowed so as not to threaten potential economic exploitation with something as trivial as scenery. But the champions of Appalachia I -- for all that they deserve pride in the accomplishments of long, steady effort for the public good -- seem to have abandoned any pretensions to the name, even if the AMC still uses it as the title of its journal.
For example, one need only look at the introduction to The Appalachian Trail Reader, an excellent compilation of everything from Thoreau's CONTACT on northern terminus Mt. Katahdin to ephemeral trail register comments on southern terminus Springer Mtn. (one of which asks, "Where's the water?" Reader, I've been there; oh, how I've been there). Editor David Emblidge, whom the dust jacket lists as a board member of the Massachusetts Audubon Society, writes, "It's only a quirk of place-naming that one part of the Appalachian chain -- the extreme southern and south-central end -- came to be called 'Appalachia.' And it's only an ironic, sad fact that this beautiful area with its stalwart people came to be a poor and undeveloped (though much exploited) socioeconomic territory. For our purposes in this book, we'll acknowledge the term 'Appalachia' as belonging to specific places and people, and we won't expropriate it for use elsewhere."
Poor guy. You can almost hear the resignation in this sighing passage, with its "quirk of place-naming" and the final, sad surrender of "we won't expropriate," despite the fact that the place where he lives -- Yankee Massachusetts -- is where the word first went to work. Better to stay away from Sharyn McCrumb and her apple launcher.
And poor Appalachia II. Its alienation is complete and comes -- contra Shapiro -- from being as fully, deeply, and exquisitely American as Illinois or Minnesota, just with fewer Democrats. Whence cometh its help? Can it look to the hills of Appalachia I? Can the preservation of a sliver of America's mountain patrimony for the public good be regarded as not only a vision but a seed for its future?
Remember that Appalachia I began as a symbolic link to a founding idealism that saw in the mountains a source of inspiration and pride. Consider that its yeomanry represented -- to those who believed in the mountains -- an independent stock that could be sustained only if it were allowed to employ the mountains and their resources in some kind of sustainable, ecological balance (which, of course, did not happen). But also consider the continuing thread -- from Kephart, who sounded the alarm; through Benton McKaye, whose visionary 1921 "Appalachian Project" succeeded in generating the Appalachian Trail, but also called for a much broader system of "camps" for community, food, and shelter; through Caudill in the 1960's, who called for a TVA-style "mountain authority;" through historian Eller, who questioned whether modern development must always be the answer; up to Stoll, who includes in Ramp Hollow a manifesto for an agrarian commons -- that looks for a solution in schemes that place first, foremost, and always the preservation of mountains and mountain-based living, independent of any capitalist, extractive, market-based factors unless they are kept within the bounds of sustainability. Thus might the two Appalachias become one.
I'm not much of an old book collector, but somehow or other I own an 1885 edition of The Land of the Sky, or, Adventures in Mountain By-Ways, by Christian Reid, the pen name of Frances Christine Fisher Tiernan, author of more than 50 novels who was born and died in Salisbury, NC. Originally published in 1876, the book's popularity was such that its title endures as the nickname for the mountain region of western North Carolina centered on the resort city of Asheville. The story is a straightforward, destination-by-destination travelogue -- with an itinerary that includes such enduring must-sees as Hot Springs, Mt. Mitchell, and Bridal Veil Falls -- overlain with the prattle of Victorian courtship. But the romance is quite incidental to the trekking, which is carried out in full dress regalia whether in a coach (this is before the railroad had made it so far as Asheville), on horseback, or on foot. As such it is a very accurate description of how a family of means would have taken an extended mountain vacation at the time. The intrepid voyagers swoon over sunset after sunset and mountain vista after mountain vista; an entire thesaurus of superlatives is emptied into the descriptions of scenery.
What makes it most interesting in connection with this discussion is the matter-of-fact way in which mountaineers are treated. There is little of the human local color -- either descriptive or linguistic -- central to the novels of such interest to Henry Shapiro. The mountaineers are pretty much just there, and largely they are there to provide lodging and food free for the asking, with no notification, to these strangers traveling through the mountains when for whatever reason they find themselves to far from hostelry or otherwise stranded by flooded fords. Air BnB has nothing on this system. (By the way, this hospitality confirms what is largely reported in the literature about the mountains up through Kephart.) The only downside -- for our travelers of means -- seems to have been the universality of the frying pan liberally supplied with lard.
Here, then, are no Shapirovian strange people -- unless hospitality makes them so. They are part of a mountain landscape that provides the reason for the travels. To some extent they make the traveling possible. The word Tiernan most commonly uses as the name for the area where the traveling occurs is Arcadia, the literary geographic honorific designating any rural, pastoral idyll. Coincidentally -- and importantly -- this word is also one frequently employed by Steven Stoll in Ramp Hollow. It is as if it provides a temporal bridge between the two books: one of them a description of travel in the heyday of an agrarian mountain commons (or before its breakdown), and the other an effort at least in part to prescribe the means by which it might be restored. We moderns think of Arcadia as necessarily mythological, and yet the globe is full of actual examples that are both well-inhabited and well-visited.
Might this not be at least a vision for a "back to the future" for an Appalachia re-united with the source of its inspiration? What kinds of answers might arise from a pursuit of restorative and sustainable solutions -- for people and for the mountains -- that held the natural beauty and fecundity of mountain Appalachia to be essential and elemental to the effort?
As for those being qualities valued only by hikers and other furriners, it isn't so. We know from Kephart and others that the mountaineers of the agrarian commons loved the water and the open air where they lived, and that they felt stifled and poisoned in cities. We can let the testimony of a West Virginia man, Julian Martin, trying to save his homeland from strip mining, as reported by Stoll in Ramp Hollow, be conclusive:
"All my life I've watched the destruction of my native state. When I was a little boy 40 years ago, I used to walk up Bull Creek over on Coal River. Bull Creek's not there anymore. It's gone. My Uncle Ken used to work timber up in the head of that hollow with a mule, and he did the least amount of destruction you possibly could do. That place was beautiful. It's not there anymore. It's just simply gone. It's been destroyed by a strip mine … The first time I saw a strip mine it absolutely stunned me into silence. I was sad and I was sick. I couldn't believe what people could do with a bulldozer to land that used to be beautiful.
"Is it wrong to love beauty; is it wrong to love nature? Is it wrong to say that we have only one earth and it will never be reclaimed -- you can't reclaim a destroyed mountain -- you can put something back there but you can't put that topsoil back on -- just try it. You never, never can walk through that little glade where the ferns are growing. …
"And if you think strip mining is going to bring jobs, look where they've got strip mining in West Virginia and look where they've got the most unemployment. Mingo County. McDowell County. You go to the counties where they have strip mining -- that's where they have the worst of everything. They've got the worst roads; they've got the worst schools; they've got the highest unemployment rate. Everything is wrong with those counties. Is that what you want this beautiful place to become? My daddy was a coal miner, and I understand being out of work, okay? I've been down that road myself. And I know you've got to provide for your family. But I'm saying they're only giving us two options. They're saying, 'Either starve -- or destroy West Virginia.' And surely to God there must be another option."
Appalachia and Appalachia. Pronounce it both ways so it carries sense. The sociopolitical region in the South that's made molehills out of mountains gets to throw the apple atcha; the mountain empire gets the sonorous pronunciation that so appealed to Poe. No ofFENSE, Sharyn McCrumb. And go Vols. May you have enough OFFense to at least beat Vandy.
Saturday, May 18, 2019
Hillbilly allergy: Elizabeth Catte's itchy response to J. D. Vance
So (as the first word of every narrative must be these days) let's say you're in a bookstore and you notice a book. Across the top the title yells in black caps WHAT YOU ARE GETTING WRONG ABOUT APPALACHIA, and so your first thought is, "Who, me?" Elizabeth Catte's book is meant to serve as a counterpoint to J. D. Vance's popular Appalachian Elegy. But there's no subtitle to that effect, and the introduction clearly indicates that, yes, you -- whoever you are -- are getting stuff wrong about Appalachia.
The comforting news for all of us wrong'uns is that we're wrong about something that apparently has no real substance. Commenting on whether or not Vance should be considered "authentically Appalachian because he migrated outside the region," Catte says, "I don't give a damn about geography." On the other hand, she gives such a damn about culture that she refuses to "ascribe" one to those who "self-identify as Appalachian." This really is like saying that Appalachia doesn't exist. I wish Catte would make that argument -- it very much needs to be made -- but she doesn't.
The actual meaning of Appalachia -- whatever it is and if indeed there is one -- is very much beside the point in this book. Catte does pose the question, "What is Appalachia?" at the outset, but she-who-doesn't-give-a-damn-about-geography gives a perfunctory geographical definition based on the Appalachian Mountains and then -- because it has no weight -- immediately shoves it aside in favor of a definition imposed by the "top-down process, in which individuals with power or capital tell us who we are or what we are." This definition of Appalachia -- a sort of geographical zombie arising from a pauper's grave -- is the Federal government framework devised to administer the War on Poverty. Thus, says Catte, "the region came to be defined by poverty, and subsequently poverty came to be defined by the region."
This sounds like a 3-card monte game of agency in which you-who-are-wrong-about-Appalachia are the mark, trying to follow Catte's fluid misdirection: "I'm hesitant to tell you who Appalachia is, but I can tell you who keeps it alive: young individuals who work in racially diverse fields, including education, hospitality, and healthcare." Because in Appalachia there are no retirees delivering Meals on Wheels.
Catte also favors tortuous argumentation pursuing tendrils of supposed influence, e.g. into a discussion Vance's association with IQ controversialist Charles Murray and their shared interest in Scots-Irish culture she drags an account of forced re-settlement, institutionalization, and sterilization at the time of the creation of the Shenandoah National Park, a story that features New Deal-era photographers, sociologists, politicians, and farmers. Tenuous conspiracy-theory connections demonstrate to her satisfaction a "strange bond between up-and-comers on the Appalachia circuit and salivating eugenicists" (maybe the audiobook will have creepy background music) and justify her condemnation: "I don't dislike Vance because he talks about 'hillbilly culture.' I dislike him because I think about children stolen from their parents."
Catte is right to take on Vance's superficial ethnic determinism and teases out his more recent influences: Colin Woodard's American Nations ("Greater Appalachia") and Jim Webb's Born Fighting, even though her quote from the former invokes a more diluted ancestral pool than just Scots-Irish. And when she hacks at the root of the myth, the best she can do is allude to the "sharp corrective" of historian Wilma Dunaway and archeologist Audrey Horning to the effect that "eighteenth-century Appalachia was a fusion of a variety of European ethnic groups and other groups that reflected African and indigenous descent." Sharp? That's like shaving with a butter knife. It would've been sharper to refer readers to Harry Caudill's Darkness at Dawn, in which he pooh-poohs the idea of Scots-Irish (meaning specifically Ulster Scots) influence in the Kentucky mountains by noting the relative paucity of the real markers of Scots-Irishness: not "feudin' and fightin'," as Vance's good ol' boys would have it, but enduring Scots Reformed churches and schools -- "enduring" meaning that once established on the frontier, they remained and flourished because not to have those churches and schools meant abandoning your Scots-Irishness.
Alas, Catte can't use Caudill because he was another one of those up-and-comers on the Appalachian circuit who bonded with salivating eugenicists. If you don't know who Caudill was, here is historian (and Catte-approved) Ronald D. Eller's take on his influence: "Probably the most widely read book ever written about Appalachia [Night Comes to the Cumberlands], Caudill's passionate account of the human and environmental devastation wreaked by the coal industry on his native eastern Kentucky was a cry from the exploited heartland for government assistance to a desperate people." Catte's rendering has a twist: "Caudill became the spokesperson for Appalachia and a translator of white mountain poverty to the nation."
Notice that word "white." Catte very much wants her readers to understand that Appalachia is more racially diverse than the white sheet Vance covers it with. This is an excellent goal: Appalachia is part of the South and as such was shaped by African-Americans even when it seems not to have been (see also "banjo" and "fiddle" and "buck dancing"). But Catte won't achieve that goal by covering Caudill with that sheet, as she clearly does: "Both Caudill and Vance set themselves to the task of drawing the nation's attention away from social unrest and racial inequality at a particular moment in time and refocusing it instead on the conditions of white poverty." Vance might have set himself to that task, but it is plainly evident that Caudill did not. Caudill's Night is subtitled "a biography of a depressed area," and that biography includes African-Americans (whom he calls "Negroes") as slaves, railroad workers, and miners. No, he doesn't separate them out for special treatment, but he does include them in an even-handed, matter-of-fact way. Might this not be considered an accomplishment, given the Civil Rights-era year of publication (1963)?
Catte's take on the racial component of Caudill's influence might be unfair, but all's fair in love and war, and Catte is engaged in a polemic against Caudill ("polemic" comes from the Greek word for "war," as no doubt the classicist Catte knows) apparently because -- in Catte's telling -- 11 years after the publication of Night, frustrated with the lack of progress, Caudill came to consider his region's poverty to be "genetic in origin" and "largely irreducible," which viewpoint he shared in a "fan letter" to eugenicist William Shockley. The two went on to meet once and continued to correspond, discussing the possibility of voluntary sterilization and intelligence testing, with Caudill's advice tending to be how to, in his words, "avoid some critical and troublesome newspaper publicity."
Catte includes Caudill's widow's opinion that publication of this part of his correspondence in 2013 was an effort to "besmirch" his reputation. Whether or not that is the case, this information is hardly shocking to anyone who's read Caudill. It was abundantly clear in Night that Caudill's belief in "brain drain" dilution of a "seed stock" rested at least on a dysgenic notion, even if it outlined no eugenic solution.
So, what should this mean for Caudill's influence? Catte clearly wants him read out of the Appalachian canon and bemoans the "fatigue" that comes from living at a time when Amazon links Caudill with Vance in a two-fisted vise of recommendation, which to Catte means that the two most influential books about Appalachia were "used by their authors to win the esteem of white supremacists and eugenicists."
Her warrior rage blinds her to the missed opportunity that would come from a side-by-side consideration of the two. And why should Americans not exercise the ability to choose the lesser of two evils? They are politically condemned to it anyway. The books provide a dramatic contrast: they are vastly different, not only in structure and in content, but more importantly in the nature of the solutions proposed for the region. Vance -- from the narrow confines of a memoir -- might counsel a simplistic Horatio Algerism, but the lesson of his personal experience is "get out." Caudill -- from the expansiveness of his deep and broad study -- might be absolutely brutal on everyone in eastern Kentucky, not just the poor, for permitting the wastage of their mountainous Eden, but what he proposes in essence could easily be updated into a Green New Deal for Appalachia. In other words he says, "Stay and make it right." Which side are you on?
Catte's real, overarching villain -- whose freshest, most recent stooge happens to be Vance -- is a "monolithic" narrative of Appalachian "otherness" controlled by power that enriches some at the expense of others: "[C]redibility falls easily to those given the privilege of defining who or what Appalachian [sic] is. It also shows the rewards that fall to individuals, universally men and exclusively white, regardless of the company they keep. It is the power to grant yourself permission for continued exploitation of vulnerable subjects. It is the power to have your work selected as emblematic of a cultural moment by individuals and organizations that didn't care one iota about Appalachia until their gaze could fill the region with pathologies."
Catte appropriates the idea of Appalachia as "other" from America from scholar Henry Shapiro (Appalachia on Our Mind), but by the time it emerges from her Procrustean bed, Shapiro's concept is both stretched and squeezed. What Shapiro says about local color writers and home missionaries of the 1880s and 1890s Catte applies to "outside entrepreneurs" and "industrialists" of the early twentieth century. Shapiro's concept of otherness embraces all conceptions of Appalachia between 1880 and 1920, even those of reformers who, sensitive to the interests of the mountaineers, wanted to work with them on their (the mountaineers') own terms seasoned with the lessons of the Danish folk school. One of the exemplars of that effort was the Highlander Folk School of upper east Tennessee, which is on Catte's short list of heroes. But to Catte there is only one purpose for otherness: exploitation, so that "Appalachians could be tamed and put to industrial purpose" in order to "be spared the bloodshed, vice, and moral degeneracy natural to their primitive existence."
That narrative certainly exists, but it was not the only one used by the exploiters. Catte seems to be unaware of an entirely different portrayal of mountaineers as possessing positive, desirable characteristics for developers. These portrayals were used by town boosters to attract industry to the region. It is remarkable how unchanging they were over the course of many years during the 20th century. Tom Lee, author of The Tennessee-Virginia Tri-Cities: Urbanization in Appalachia, 1900 - 1950, cites a 1985 promotion of Johnson City: "Over 200,000 conscientious workers uphold the dedicated 'pioneer' work ethic in our Right-to-Work State. … A fair day's pay for a hard day's work." This "rhetoric of promotion," Lee says, was largely unchanged from the beginning of the century when boosters boasted of the "unlimited supply of intelligent, white female workers." Of course, paternalistic, capitalistic exploitation of unorganized workers was still the purpose, but the labor force was depicted positively, not as morally degenerate primitives.
(It is odd that Catte should describe the narrators of the Appalachian "other" to be "universally men." From the beginning women have been among the most articulate and influential definers. Local colorist Mary Noailles Murfree was there at the creation; Emma Bell Miles was an early interpreter of the mountains for valley folk and other furriners; Ellen Churchill Semple's 1901 "anthropogeography" was one of the first true scholastic studies of the human aspects of Appalachian geography; and Olive Dame Campbell, besides being a folksong collector, took her late husband John C. Campbell's "mass of notes" and an outline to write the book that he could never bring himself to write.)
If there is a defective, monolithic narrative abroad these days about Appalachia, it is that Appalachia is all about coal. Catte seems happy to accept that monolith shaft, tipple, and flue. Granted she is reacting to the latest incarnation of Appalachia as coal-crazy "Trump Country," and she is most concerned to show how Appalachians have struggled against the economic, social, and geophysical depredations of coal extraction. The result, however, is that effectively Appalachia becomes eastern Kentucky and West Virginia. It's time to bring back the Georgian "expatriates" of the Appalachian Studies Conferences from the 1980s who adopted the refrain "Not in North Georgia" to remind their coal-leagues that Appalachia is neither monochrome nor monotone and is nothing if not complex. Catte gets the complexity, but the reactiveness of her approach allows the monolith of coal to dictate her narrative to the extent that it weakens her advocacy for an expansive understanding of the region. If we knew more about the breadth and variety of Appalachian geography, history, and culture, and understood that Appalachia has a future that transcends coal -- even in Kentucky and West Virginia -- maybe we'd have a better chance of not being wrong about it. Maybe we'd feel some hope and start getting things right about it.
But to do that, you have to give a damn about geography and its economic, political, and human consequences. Because if you're talking about Appalachia, that's pretty much all you got. If you try to erase it, as Catte seems to want to do, you got nothing. The irony is that she cares more than she lets on. After a Tennessee upbringing, it was during a brief hiatus in a Texas town as polluted by oil as Appalachia was by coal that she was somehow convinced to return to her Appalachian homeland, and so back she came, as she says, "to fight smarter" on behalf of everyone who was "not important enough not to be poisoned." How somehow was she convinced to return? It seems to have been at least in part the aesthetics of geography: Silas House's "language in the kudzu and it is all ours" or the "bright purple of ironweed" that is a "symbol of Appalachian women."
She now works with others "with the hope that we might call into being the end of what Rebecca Scott called 'the dismal banality of the dominion of coal.'" How to call into being that end? We have to multiply the possibilities, and they are endless, once you start looking at the land and, yes, the culture, and see the infinite ways it can nourish and inspire, and then build on those ways that create rather than destroy.
If that sounds like moonshine, so be it. It wouldn't be the first time for Appalachia.
Monday, January 21, 2019
Frederick Douglass and "The Bagpipe Lesson"
I will come to The Bagpipe Lesson eventually, but will start of by examining a different instrument-inspired painting.
There are several reasons why I have tended to under-value the work. Probably the chief one was the faded, poor print that I used to see on a daily basis in a dispiriting location in a library, rather than a vivid original exhibited with positive optimality at a museum.
It is one of those iconic works of art whose very familiarity contributes to under-appreciation: The Banjo Lesson, by Henry Ossawa Tanner, in which a young boy sits in an old man's lap and plays a banjo, which the old man supports up at the nut end while the boy frets and strums. Both the figures are of African descent, as was Tanner himself.
There are several reasons why I have tended to under-value the work. Probably the chief one was the faded, poor print that I used to see on a daily basis in a dispiriting location in a library, rather than a vivid original exhibited with positive optimality at a museum.
Thanks to an informative appreciation by Farisa Khalid, however, I can not only give The Banjo Lesson its due, but can also see that there is a more complex, almost ironic connection with Rockwell than the one I had always felt. Besides providing the nice archival service of showing Tanner's photographs of his original subjects, more importantly Khalid's article situates the work in two cultural contexts: an endlessly suggestive (because of the subsequent history of the banjo) Appalachian one as well as the more general one of blackface minstrelsy, by which it becomes clear that Tanner -- painting in the 1890's -- sought through the medium of high dignity to rescue his subject matter from Ol' Zip Coon.
But the rescue went unappreciated by the clueless master class, which continued to pay commercial illustrators like Rockwell to show African-Americans only in servile roles (as Rockwell himself has attested). Thus, following a tip from Khalid, we can see Rockwell -- in a print that appeared in an advertisement in a 1926 Saturday Evening Post -- at once borrowing from and violating the original by placing the old man in tattered pants and work boots performing to the delight of a well-dressed little white boy, plaid tie flung over one shoulder and beating a gleaming living room floor with a couple of sticks.
This is not to demean the journeyman Rockwell, who increasingly chafed against the prevailing caste rules and to some extent broke loose of them later in life, so much as to provide a stark example of the conceptual prison of color racism into which America seems to be locked. Tanner himself said it well: residing in Paris, where he did not experience discrimination due to the color of his skin, he said, "In America, I'm Henry Tanner, Negro artist, but in France, I'm 'Monsieur Tanner, l'artiste américaine.'"
In today's America it has become politically incorrect, even in the Republican Party, to utter -- or appear to utter -- white supremacist notions, as Iowa's Steve King recently found out. Yet if we parse King's words as he wants us to, we uncover a notion that I bet the vast majority of Americans agree with: Western civilization is white.
I'm going to let that statement sit and stew for a moment. My hope is that the longer it sits, the more ridiculous it begins to seem. I do not begin to know what images and notions will come to mind with "Western civilization," but if we assume it to mean the ascent of certain aspirational and idealistic concepts, "white" is nowhere among them.
By coincidence I'm writing this on the eve of the celebration of the day given over to a different King -- Martin Luther King Day -- when it would be reasonable to expect Americans of visible African descent to look for some evidence that their fellows of visible non-African descent have at long last gathered them in the embrace of citizenship, social equality, and cultural affirmation. The last is perhaps not hard to find, but as is demonstrated by the history of jazz, r&b, rap -- not to mention the vast domain of professional sports -- the benefits of the cultural marketplace don't automatically trickle down or radiate out any better than the economic ones. Jackie Robinson desegregating professional baseball can happily coexist -- as a phenomenon -- with lynching and restrictive housing covenants.
I have long believed that the essential ingredient of understanding American culture -- politics included -- is the study of its long and torturous struggle to live up to the promise of the ideals of the Declaration of Independence as personified, if you will, by the Statue of Liberty. That means coming to terms with Indian removal; with slavery and the dismal, continuing record of racial discrimination; and with gender-based discrimination; all of them noxious to the self-professed notions of "liberty" and "justice" pledged by the mass Americans from youth.
And yet this belief of mine runs counter to the notions of patriotism at large today in which the flag is associated primarily with a standing army! Of all things to make a true Spirit of '76er roll in his grave! Aaargh! A standing army is one thing they fought to get rid of! Did we learn nothing in school?
Perhaps less than nothing. Perhaps detrimental habits of thinking, like believing Western civilization is white. Happily there is a cure. If only I could prescribe it. I can at least recommend, though. As good a place to start as any is David Blight's recent, landmark biography -- subtitled "American Prophet" -- of Frederick Douglass, the escaped-slave abolitionist and autobiographer who achieved celebrity status as a writer and lecturer both before and after the American Civil War. The book is long and to me was bogged down by the minutiae of family "warts and all," -- as landmark biographies require -- but forewarned is forearmed: the informed reader should persevere. It is worth it.
It is worth it because Douglass and the manner in which he shared the lived experience of slavery and racism are exactly the kind of lens by which to view American reality. It very much matters how we view our past: Douglass himself was indefatigably motivated by this idea. As Blight writes, "he knew that peoples and nations, like individuals, are shaped and defined by their pasts. Douglass was acutely aware that history was both burden and inspiration, something to be cherished and overcome. He also understood that although all people crave stories, some narratives are more honest than others."
Thus it was that Douglass -- who soared to prominence with his riveting accounts of life as a slave and his searing indictment of the institution and its evil effects -- faced the rapid washing away of civil rights gained during the Radical phase of Reconstruction, due in part to the rise of a Lost Cause narrative that portrayed the Confederates as noble warriors whose bravery was due the respect of their Northern, white "brethren." Douglass would have none of it. Slavery was the essential foundation of the Confederacy, and he unrepentantly "waved the bloody shirt" after the Civil War to remind his fellow Americans of that fact.
When Robert E. Lee died, for example, Douglass was appalled at the national veneration for the Confederate leader. "It would seem," he wrote, "that the soldier who kills the most soldiers in battle, even in a bad cause, is the greatest Christian, and entitled to the highest place in heaven." Douglass boiled it all down to "he was a traitor and can be made nothing else."
It is interesting to read this in the context of today's sanctimonious reverence for "heritage," especially in the South, where the word seems inevitably to accompany the display of Lee's anti-USA battle flag. Here again, Douglass had his finger on the pulse of the "wickedly selfish" American character: "Whoever levies a tax upon our Bohea or Young Hyson [types of tea] will find the whole land blazing with patriotism and bristling with bayonets," but "millions of a foreign race may be stolen from their homes, and reduced to hopeless and inhuman bondage among us, and we either approve the deed, or protest as gently as 'sucking doves.'" The very Americans celebrating their "own heritage" are "content to see others crushed in our midst."
Any real understanding of Southern "heritage" has to include the history of Ku-Klux-style repression and lynching. Of this latter Douglass said in a letter promoting a pamphlet by anti-lynching crusader Ida Wells, "If American conscience were only half alive, if the church and clergy were only half Christianized, if American moral sensibility were not hardened … a scream of horror, shame, and indignation would rise to Heaven wherever your pamphlet shall be read." One has to wonder how many Southern heritage websites include a link to Bryan Stevenson's Equal Justice Initiative museum in Montgomery, AL?
It is also suggestive and saddening to "read forward" African-American despair -- from expat Henry Ossawa Tanner to W.E.B. DuBois to the Southern leavers of the Great Migration to Ta-Nehisi Coates -- from Douglass's insistence that anything other than blacks staying in the South, no matter how deep the nadir of race relations, how bitter the exploitation, or how strangling the rule of the lynch mob, meant "a premature, disheartening surrender" of emancipation and the civil rights gained by the Reconstruction amendments to the U.S. Constitution. These seem in some ways like the glib words of someone ensconced in the relative security of a federal job in Washington, D.C., but Douglass was if nothing else unmoving in his constancy to the need for struggle despite the odds. He had seen miracles accomplished before, and they might be again. As biographer Blight says, this prefigures the reality of the modern civil rights struggle, in which people "have to fight to protect political and constitutional triumphs, as well as a new national historical memory, while they also face a deepening crisis of structural repression and inequality."
Blight's prophetic Douglass trumpeted the ideals laid out in the Declaration of Independence. These, it must be remembered, are universal ideals, applicable to all humanity. They are meant to be effected by the U.S. Constitution, as Lincoln reminds us in his Gettysburg Address, as an example available to the world to follow. Douglass's voice -- steeped, as was Lincoln's, in an autodidact's immersion in the Bible -- serves as the prophet returned from Babylon saying "it is up to us to build it here." And who is "us"? It is nothing less than the entire mongrel segment of humanity resident in the United States, acting on behalf of the world.
Douglass insisted on the universality of his humanity. An enduring part of his message had to do with his bi-racial status: he was the son of a slave mother and a slave-owning father. He would use this to taunt his hearers in lectures that sometimes spilled over into a seething fracas of brickbats and fisticuffs as a result. In some instances, though, his racist challengers seem to have been charmed by his courage and forthrightness, as happened in 1850 in New York City, when a speech to the American anti-Slavery Society was interrupted by a "mob" led by German-Irish ward boss Isaiah Rynders, "the nation's foremost political thug," whose gangs--Plug Uglies and Dead Rabbits--rioted to attain their ends and were able to face down the police. Invited to have their say by Garrison (Blight calls it "theater of the absurd") a Rynders-surrogate discoursed on the inhumanity of blacks and said they were a species of monkey. Douglass--standing right next to Rynders--appealed to the audience to look at him and his "wooly" head and asked "Am I not a man?" Rynders, interrupting, said he was only half a Negro; Douglass drew laughter when he said that yes, as son of a slaveholder, he was "a half brother to Mr. Rynders." Douglass argued on behalf of the community of all immigrants; blacks had after all produced the cotton and sugar that they all enjoyed. "We only want our rights. … I have a head to think, and I know God meant I should exercise the right to think … I have a heart to feel, and a tongue to think … and God meant that I should use that tongue in behalf of humanity and justice for every man." On this occasion the rioters left peacefully, having apparently vented their bile to their own satisfaction.
(By "man," Douglass meant women as well. He was an early and enthusiastic supporter of equal rights for women.)
The identification of Douglass with universality is perhaps best captured by his connection to Scotland. This might come as a surprise to those who display the twin x'es of the Confederate battle flag and the Scottish cross of St. Andrew on their bumper and think that is all there is to be said on the subject. But consider the following:
- Douglass's last name was his "freedom" name (his birth name was Bailey) first suggested by his rescuer Nathan Johnson, who according to Blight took the name from Sir Walter Scott's Lady of the Lake. The recently-escaped Bailey liked the Highland clan name's "strength" as a word, stamped it with an extra "s," and entered into his new and ultimately historic identity. Later on, after he himself had read the novel, Douglass found pride that he shared his name with "the great Scottish chief."
- Douglass freely imbibed Robert Burns and found inspiration in the way Burns opposed the "bigotry" of the clergy and the "shallow-brained aristocracy." Douglass used not only Burns's poetry but also his example as a writer whose (in Blight's words) "performative intensity" provided Douglass with a "model in life and on the page."
- Steeped in Scott and Burns, and unafraid to anathematize the Free Kirk for "blood money" -- income from slaveholders -- Douglass was a huge hit in Scotland in 1846. This was a critical time for Douglass, as part of the reason of the tour was to get him beyond the reaches of his former owner. He had already tasted freedom elsewhere in the British Isles, but as he wrote from Edinburgh, it was there that he experienced equality: "I enjoy every thing here which may be enjoyed by those of a paler hue -- no distinction here."
Douglass took his inspiration from anything, regardless of its source, that promoted the ideal of one, single, universal human race. Thus was there a connection between the poetry of Burns and the music of his own "brethren in bonds": it was the sound of pride and dignity butting up against prejudice and oppression. Douglass used the poems of Burns to get his listeners to feel that "A man's a man for a' that," despite color. And of the songs of slaves, Douglass understood their visceral purpose by hard experience: "To those songs I trace my first glimmering conception of the dehumanizing character of slavery. I can never get rid of that conception. … If any one wishes to be impressed with the soul-killing effects of slavery, let him go to Colonel Lloyd's plantation, and, on allowance-day, place himself in the deep pine woods, and there let him, in silence, analyze the sounds that shall pass through the chambers of his soul."
The ensuing, sorry record of master-race misapprehension of the cultural products of the enslaved and of those forcibly, violently separated from civil society begins with Douglass' bald statement that "I have been utterly astonished, since I came to the north, to find persons who could speak of the singing, among slaves, as evidence of their contentment and happiness. It is impossible to conceive of a greater mistake. Slaves sing most when they are most unhappy. The songs of the slave represent the sorrows of his heart; and he is relieved by them, only as an aching heart is relieved by tears."
One wonders, with this mournful cast shaping his taste in music and with his affinity to Scotland, what Frederick Douglass might have thought of that most evocative of sorrowful instruments, the bagpipe? This isn't just a random thought that comes out of the wild blue from someone devoted to folly who himself plays the bagpipe. It is more an effort to fill by surmise a blank left by biographer Blight, who notes in his book that, late in life, Douglass dabbled in art patronage; among other things he, along with some others, donated to the library of Hampton Institute a painting by none other than Henry Ossawa Tanner, discussed above. The painting was called The Bagpipe Lesson.
Douglass was solicited by Tanner himself, by letter, and did not see the painting before it was bought. One wonders what came to mind when he read the letter, which included the painting's title? Who would not assume a Highland bagpipe, that noble stereotype of bagpipes everywhere? Only a member of that minority of cosmopolitan bagpipe nerds might imagine an Italian zampogna or a Breton biniou -- which is in fact the instrument depicted in the painting, all bag and no pipe, an appearance both more rotund and jovial than the Highland pipes, with their elongated drones, the howitzers of a perennial Om.
As it happens Tanner, studying in Paris at the time, toured the countryside in search of genre settings to paint and lighted upon an educative scene paralleling the one in The Banjo Lesson, which he had painted in Paris less than a year before. Both paintings now reside in the Hampton University Museum, the bagpipe one due in part to the largesse of a Frederick Douglass to whom music was the mournful means of living through pain, whether it be felt on a plantation in the American South or a pasture in Scotland.
At last, then, we come to the question -- or rather the challenge -- posed by the paintings: how do we teach the children? And what? Is it only fact and technique? Or can it contain meaning? Here again we can turn to Douglass for an answer.
A close associate of John Brown, Douglass was widely deemed guilty by this association after Harpers Ferry and had to flee into temporary exile to escape the consequences of this alliance (despite the fact that he'd counseled the raider against striking the Federal arsenal). Afterwards, Douglass helped construct the martyrdom of Brown, but the "detailed historical and mythic image" (Blight's words) that he imparted was "not a story to please but to pain" (Douglass's words). Blight again: "Brown was a martyr and a victor, but also a classically tragic hero never to be forgotten, a symbol always to trouble and spur the American conscience."
America suffers from a whitewashed conscience, a whitewashed culture, a whitewashed memory, and a debased level of civic participation because it fails to confront the extent to which the majority culture is built on blindness to the fact that the roots of its heritage are deeply sunk into oppression and facile, superficial, criminal expropriation -- to me a necessarily stronger and more appropriate term than "appropriation." That long musical history mentioned above -- minstrelsy, jazz, blues-and-r&b-inflected rock, rap -- can be understood as not so much a borrowing as a stealing with an intent to ignore when it does not demean. Commercialism, like drumming, covers a multitude of sins. It is part and parcel with Woodrow Wilson introducing progressive government along with federalized Jim Crow segregation. It is part and parcel with insisting on a bleached national anthem that exists only for "the troops" -- a concept alien to the 1776 founding spirit if there ever was one -- and cannot comprehend the continuing inability of "the brave" to provide a home for freedom.
We cannot teach what we do not know. And if we do not teach the true and ongoing pain of the nation, we cannot teach its aspiration to glory. If all we teach amounts to "tech," we miss the whole point of America.
To me one of the greatest musical discoveries of all time is the "blues" harmonica. This does not mean the technical artifact itself, the row of brass tongues inside a shiny metal housing, but rather the musical invention of playing that artifact in a way different from the one it was meant to be played -- off-prescription, as it were. It's like the backbeat taking over THE BEAT from the downbeat.
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